From times to
times, young people’s understanding of the socio-political issues always varied,
but they are united in their participation: all hope for a better world. To
better understand today’s youth movement, we need to look at its rich history
throughout different eras.
Petrus Yosef Putut wants to win over an argument. For
that to happen, he needs a lot more information on the issue from his staffs. Putut,
your typical young activist in his early twenties, has recently joined FISIP
UI’s student body as the Political and Social Coordinator. He is tasked with
coordinating and guiding works of several bureaus which fall into that category.
Nowadays, he is very concerned with his staffs’ ability to produce
scientifically legitimate analyses on current issues.
“The needs to write strong scientific research has become more urgent now more than ever. Take the case of Semen Indonesia in Kendeng, it is absurd that so many young people are opposing them but almost none of them use the fact that cement are an overpriced commodity, according to the government themselves in 2016, in their writing.” He said. He further added, “and you can count my staffs among them. Well to be honest, they are rather lazy when it comes to reading.”
“The needs to write strong scientific research has become more urgent now more than ever. Take the case of Semen Indonesia in Kendeng, it is absurd that so many young people are opposing them but almost none of them use the fact that cement are an overpriced commodity, according to the government themselves in 2016, in their writing.” He said. He further added, “and you can count my staffs among them. Well to be honest, they are rather lazy when it comes to reading.”
In 2012, UNESCO conducted a research in Indonesia to
determine Indonesian’s literacy rate. They found that Indonesian’s literary
level is actually the second lowest compared to other countries, with the ratio
being 0,0001. It means that only one in a thousand Indonesian developed reading
habit. Furthermore, a data from BPS, which came from the same period as the
research by UNESCO, stated that 17,66% have interest in reading while 91,67%
prefers watching television shows. Those are quite problematic figures in terms
of literacy.
Are things always like this with young Indonesians? Many
people like Mohammad Zaki Hussein does not think so. Zaki is not a stranger to
youth activism. During the turbulent last years of the New Order, He joined the
student movements that managed to topple the twelve years old regime of
Soeharto. At the time, he represented the student body of University of
Indonesia (UI) within Jakarta’s protests scene. “Most of us participate through
youth organizations. But there were also some of us who were brave enough to
form alternative political parties, against Soeharto’s policy of limiting them
to only three parties.” he said, reminiscing. “So participation in the 90s were
mostly through certain organizations, in which the activities included
advocationg for labour’s rights, victims of forced eviction.”
he told me. Nowadays, he is busy with his works as a researcher at
Inkrispena, a Jakarta-based research firm, while he also helps out Indoprogress
as an editor. His recent works is an analysis on the correlation between palm
industry and land grabbing phenomena.
Bayu
Baskoro Febrianto, a 22 years old alumnus of UI’s History Studies, shared
similar things when he was asked about youth’s political participation during
the heights of the New Order government. The head editor of Shortir explains that young people
during the New Order era represented mostly through, “mass protest, because at
the time the New Order were actually facilitating them while at the same time
silencing various grass-root movement from other sectors, to strengthen their
international standing as a democratic country.” Although he noted that during
the reign of the brutally repressive regime, youth’s participation in politics
“were obviously low in general, compared to today’s situation.”
After the Malari Incident, Soeharto’s regime finally
silenced the student’s movement through the policy of the Normalization of
Campus Life or better known as NKK/BKK. In addition, NKK/BKK is a policy that,
as the name implies, tries to depoliticize student’s movement by repressing
them within their own campuses. After the government enacted NKK/BKK, student’s
political space were becoming “more tightly monitored as
a part of the depoliticization effort by the government along with all the
rules that come with it, such as the filling of rectorate posts with military
man, night curfew, and even hair standardization – which especially forbid male
student to have long hair.” Bayu told me. Despite all that effort by the
regime, they are instead radicalized students by forcing them to “jump over
their campus’s fences and joined hand-in-hand with the broad mass in some local
issues or sometimes with NGO.” He added.
NKK/BKK
was so influential that the effect could still be felt later on; it shadows
still looms over even today’s youth social movements. Apart from the increased
involvement of youth in contemporary issues, conventional politics despite it
is inevitably has a thorough impact - including social issues that loved youth
- against everyday life, is still a taboo that should be avoided. The word
politics is often associated with the words “dirty” or “nasty”. The very
definition of it is also problematic. Most Indonesian still interpreted it in a
rather narrow sense: legislative issues, activities of national figures, or in
other words, they limit politics only to the extent that the state-centric
politics. Putut noted that, “Young people today are indeed more sympathetic
towards grass-root issues, maybe more than our counterparts from the past I
dare say, in terms of the amount. And yet, they did not have formulated a clear
solution to those problems, unlike the youth during New Order era who agreed on
one solid strategy: the urgency to build a strong, grass-root oriented
electoral party.”
It
was easier to build an efficient political movement during the New Order era
simply because there are fewer people who participate in politics. He said that
if one wants to contribute in politics, then he or she has to “gamble their
life, because one bad move and you are done. That is how bad it was at that
time.” said Bayu. Thus, those who joined youth movement and the likes are, “very
knowledgeable, because it is their life that they are risking.” He added.
Political literacy during the 90s was also not a
problem, according to Zaki. He said that
it, “was easier back then to discuss hard issues with my friends.” He further explained, “So back then, those who joined the movements are obviously who are brave enough to risk their lives which mostly came from the upper-class – who also have access to various reading materials, or those who directly feel the sufferings – for example, those who live below the poverty line, and so on.”
it, “was easier back then to discuss hard issues with my friends.” He further explained, “So back then, those who joined the movements are obviously who are brave enough to risk their lives which mostly came from the upper-class – who also have access to various reading materials, or those who directly feel the sufferings – for example, those who live below the poverty line, and so on.”
Nowadays,
literacy rate especially among them who actively engaged in the political
participation process are not that high. It is in correlation with the low rate
in a broader sense of today’s youth generation. There are two major debates on
the use of social media in political participation. First, it might help
disseminating ideas or discourses, but it may also lessen the reader’s
understanding towards the issue. Books can be rather lengthy, but it is
precisely their length that makes them more in-depth. Second, social media to
facilitate those who cannot physically join the struggle to keep supporting a
social movement. Although at the same time such thing can also reduce the
meaning of participation, limiting it to an online petition signatures or
worse, some people even think that knowing is a form of participation. When
asked about his position on those two arguments, Putut said that he is,
“leaning more towards the second one. That is, I am sceptical to social media.
From my recent experiences, our online campaign for the Rembang issue were very,
very successful – a lot of people actively creates their own posts using our
image and template, and yet when it comes to real action, only few people
showed up.”
Despite
the low interest in reading, youngsters nowadays are much more politically
active. Bayu noted that today’s movement are, “more diverse, varied, which is
good. It is an evidence that New Order’s paradigm are slowly fading.” “But it
should maybe because of their low literacy, I have not seen yet any youth
political groups which is really blend in with the broad masses while also has
clear vision as a movement.” He added. Similar to that, Putut hoped that his generation
will take full advantages of today’s advanced technology to develop a good
reading habit and thus, broaden their knowledge. “Hopefully my staff will use
all those shiny new apps for curated readings, or something like that, to
further their understanding on today’s issues.” He said.
Pull
quotes:
“Back
then those who joined political movements are brave enough to gamble their
life, because one bad move and you are done. That is how bad it was at that
time (New Order era).”
“Youth
movement of this decade are more diverse, varied, which is good. It is an
evidence that New Order’s paradigm are slowly fading.”
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